By James Tracy
The Southern Poverty Law Center[1] is advising the US government of the
alleged “domestic terror threat” posed by political conservatives,
“conspiracy theorists,” and others skeptical of their government’s
policies and behavior. A March 5, 2012 letter to the US Departments of Justice and Homeland Security points to the group’s recent report, “The Year in Hate and Extremism.”
The study uses SPLC data to point to an almost one thousand percent
upsurge in “militias and radical antigovernment groups … from 149 in
2008 to 1,360 in 2012.”
The publicity has an ominous historical precedent. In October 1994
the SPLC’s “KlanWatch” program issued a similar warning to the federal
government on the purported threat of militias and prompted a steady
drumbeat of US newspaper reports.[2] Six months later on April 19, 1995
the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City was bombed. Such coverage
set the national stage for the “domestic security threat” that would
crystallize in Timothy McVeigh and subdue the growth of an increasingly
popular movement. Shortly after the bombing SPLC director Morris Dees
delivered the organization’s oft-repeated claim of how there had been a
“gradual infiltration” of citizen militias “by neo-Nazi and white
supremacist groups.”[3]
Twenty years later the organization continues to exercise significant
credibility, particularly among major press outlets that
unquestioningly accept its claims. Yet it casts such a wide net in the
effort to catalog supposedly dangerous organizations that even groups
such as “We Are Change”–a national association of activists whose main
offense is insisting upon a genuine investigation into 9/11–is
classified as a “hate group” and placed alongside a cartoonish array of
white supremacist and neo-Nazi outfits.[4]
When the SPLC’s “The Patriot Movement Explodes” was released in March 2012 the New York Times carried a piece promoting the report by Times‘
Atlanta bureau chief Kim Severson.[5] When I contacted Severson to
assess her understanding of the paper’s methodology she referred me to
SPLC “Senior Research Fellow” Mark Potok. I felt that an explanation of
such methods and contact information for the purportedly dangerous
groups listed on the “Hate Map” were especially important since
independent observes could not touch base with many listed groups to
confirm their existence, inquire upon their motivations to “hate,” and
thereby confirm the study’s findings. “We don’t make any special effort
to collect that kind of information,” Potok wrote, “although we do
sometimes have it … The groups for which we do not give a location
beyond the state are groups that report only a ‘statewide’ chapter
without giving any location. Generally, we know they’re active, but
can’t prove exactly where they’re headquartered.”[6]
Potok further explained how some entities were included merely based
on “Internet activities, including pages, forums, and, often, email
groups.” Given the subjective criteria for what constitutes “hate” and
the nontransparent ways in which the SPLC conducts its inquiries, just
about any loose affiliation leaving some traces on the web may be
designated as exhibiting “hate” and thus qualify for the list.
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