Thursday, November 6, 2014

Myths of the Globalist New World Order: Did German Nationalism Really Cause Two World Wars?

Nationalism is the enemy of empire. Genocide, the destruction of the racial and cultural identity of the nation states, is thus an essential policy of the New World Order.

The European nation states, subordinates of the US hegemon since WWII, are already in an advanced stage of dissolution as racially and culturally distinct communities. The process of universal genocide is driven by a combination of anti-natalist policies, including mass slaughter of the unborn and state-mandated education in the arts and perversions of non-reproductive sex, combined with unrestricted immigration and state-enforced multiculturalism. As a result, the indigenous peoples of Europe are already isolated cultural and even linguistic minorities in many cities including London, Oslo, and Marseilles.

Now Russia as an independent nation state is targeted for destruction by the forces of the New World Order. The assault is both internal and external. Internally, Russia is attacked by means of US-backed fifth columnists such as the punk anti-Christian group, Pussy Riot, and oligarch traitors and opportunists such as Mikhail Khodorkovsky.  Externally Russia is attacked both economically, by means of US-EU sanctions and other machinations to undermine Russia's foreign trade relationships; and militarily, including the the US-inspired genocidal assault on ethnic Russians in Ukraine, and subversion among non-Russian minorities, such as the Tartars and Chechens, within the Russian Federation.

To keep the ball rolling, unrelenting propaganda glorifying the historical necessity of globalization under a system of Western democracy while demeaning independent sovereign nations spews from the corporate-controlled founts of news and entertainment and the state-controlled educational establishment.

Francis Fukuyama, of Stanford, Johns Hopkins and George Mason Universities, the Rand Corporation and the State Department is among the more prominent scholarly propagandists for globalization. In his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man he argued that Western liberal democracy marked the end of human sociocultural evolution and thus the end of international conflict.

Since publication of the book was followed by the seemingly endless "War Against Terror," the rise of ethnocentric nationalism in Europe, and the current US-NATO effort to dismantle the Russian Federation, the timing if Fukuyama's book declaring the arrival of the era of global governance, cultural uniformity and racial homogenization  was not ideal. Indeed it earned the author some ridicule. But undeterred, in his latest work, Political order and Political Decay — a curious mishmash of ideas and information on topics ranging from the rise of the Mafia to the origins of the US Forest Service, Fukuyama does not neglect the role of a globalist shill. Otto von Bismarck (German Minister President, Foreign Minister and later Chancellor from 1862 until 1890), Fukuyama writes, "forged a modern German nation through war, and unleashed an aggressive nationalism that culminated in the two World wars."

So there you have it. The sovereign nation state is a great and abiding evil that must be eradicated to make way for a New World Order, under which the entire world will live for evermore in liberal democratic harmony, consuming junk food and Internet porn, each self-actualizing individual boosting their self-esteem by Tweeting and Face-book posting to the vast profit of oligarchs who, reportedly, view their clients as "dumb fucks".

But was German nationalism really the cause of two World Wars?

Well, actually, no.

World War 1 was a direct result, not of German, but of Serbian nationalism. The trigger for war was the assassination in Sarajevo, the capital of the Austro-Hungarian province of Bosnia, of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-Hungarian imperial throne. The assassin, Gavrilo Princip, was a Serb nationalist backed by the Serbian state, which sought to incite a nationalist revolt among the slavs of Bosnia as a step toward the creation of a greater Serbia at the expense of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires.

Gavrilo Princip, a Serb nationalist, killing Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife
Austria-Hungary responded by declaring war on Serbia with the assurance of German support. What motivated Kaiser Willhelm's decision was not some upsurge of aggressive German nationalism. Rather, it was the belief that if a generally expected wider European war were to break out it was better that it break out before Russia completed its ongoing military build-up, the sequel to humiliating defeat by Japan in the war of 1904–05, and before Germany's only significant ally, the crumbling Austro-Hungarian empire, had grown even weaker.

Moreover, whatever Germany's responsibility for World War 1, neither the Kaiser nor his Chancellor wished for a general war. On the contrary, both hoped that if Austria-Hungary dealt promptly with Serbia, other European powers would accept the action without intervention, or that if a prompt settlement of the dispute were not achieved, Germany and Britain might somehow work out a deal to prevent other powers being dragged in.

And it was Russia, not Germany, that took the step that made a general conflagration inevitable. By declaring war on Austria-Hungary, nominally in support of their Serbian co-ethnics, but motivated also, if not mainly, by hopes of imperial conquest at the expense of Austria-Hungary and the Turkish Empire, Russia's action tripped the switch that made war between Triple Alliance (Germany, Austro-Hungary and Italy) and the Triple Entente (France, Russia and Britain) obligatory upon all parties.

In launching the war, Russia was strenuously urged on by the French, who hoped that, with Germany crushed by the weight of Russia's huge army, France could recover from Germany the territory of Alsace-Lorraine annexed to Prussia following the war of 1870–71.

Appalled once the reality of war emerged, the German Kaiser engaged in futile last-minute appeals to his cousin Tzar Nicholas II to halt the war on Austria-Hungary. He also attempted to halt implementation of Germany's strategic plan, which required an immediate and massive attack on France with the aim of knocking her out of the war at a stroke, before turning the weight of Germany's army against the slow-moving Russian behemoth. But by that time, Wilhelm, had ceased to count. The military, having received the command to advance, informed the Kaiser, falsely, as it now seems, that the strategic plan was immutable and irreversible. General war in Europe was the result.

Britain's declaration of war was delayed by liberals in cabinet who threatened resignation. However, Germany's strategic plan required not only an attack on France, but passage of the German army through Belgium, the neutrality of which had been guaranteed by all the European powers. Anxious to see their great power rival crushed, this breach of Belgian sovereignty, freed the war faction in Britain  to join the slaughter.

So much for German nationalism in 1914.

But what about 1939. Hitler's government was undoubtedly nationalist and undoubtedly aggressive. But German nationalism was by no means a key factor in the origins of the World War 2. Hitler never won more than 37% of the popular vote in a German election, he never gained a majority in the Reichstag, and after 1934, when he achieved power by backroom maneuvers involving manipulation of the senile chancellor, Field Marshall Hindenberg, he never gave Germans a chance to vote at all. So whether Germans under the Third Reich were nationalistic or not made little if any difference to German policy.

Rather, a strong argument can be made that Germany's dysfunctional and eventually pathological post World War 1 governments were a direct result of the stupidity of those who imposed on Germany terms of peace that included amputation from Germany of large tracts of territory with German majority populations and the imposition on Germany of a bill for vast and totally unpayable reparations.

Further a strong case can be made that Britain's policy of "appeasement," which entailed forcing Czechoslovakia to relinquish to Germany it's heavily fortified frontier region, provided Hitler with incitement to help himself to the rest of Czechoslovakia, which he promptly did. The result was to bring the hated German Nazis and the hated Russian Communists into direct confrontation, as may have been the objective of Neville Chamberlain's so-called appeasement policy.

Likewise, Britain's dishonored guarantee of Polish independence had a similar effect, perhaps intentionally so. With Britain's security guarantee in its pocket, the Polish government refused to negotiate Germany's demand for a corridor to the German city of Danzik on the Baltic coast. By such intransigence, Poland provided Hitler with motivation to join with Russia in the total destruction of Poland, an action the British resisted by dropping anti-war leaflets over Germany.

In response to questions about Britain's refusal to take effective action against Germany during the rape of Poland, Britain's Secretary of State for Air, Kingsley Wood, explained to astonished members of Parliament that the  Black Forest could not be bombed with incendiaries to burn German ammunition dumps there because the forest was "private property." He also explained that German munitions factories could not be bombed since the Germans might then do the same to British factories.

The implication that Britain sought to force the totalitarian powers into direct confrontation in the hope that it would lead to a war of mutual annihilation is compelling. But in any case, German nationalism, however much it may have been promoted by Hitler, did not drive Hitler's megalomanic plans. The nationalistic enthusiasm that greeted Hitler's early successes and which was vigorously stoked by the Nazi government may have discourage a coup d'├ętat by responsible Germans who thought Hitler insane, but was never unanimous. Altogether, 77,000 Germans were executed during the war for resistance to Hitler, including Erwin Planck son Max Planck, the founder of quantum theory, and many religious figures including the Lutheran priest, Dietrich Bonhoeffer, and the Catholic Bishop, August von Galen.

Related:

Timeline of Events Prior to the Great War, 1870-1914

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